The relationship between violation, punishment and entitlement in South Africa

An intersubjective interpretation of the relationship between violation, selective punishment and entitlement in South African society.

1. Introduction

In 1994 a newly elected democratic government under Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress (ANC) set up structures including one of the most progressive constitutions in the world to transform from a culture of oppression and violation (which was endemic to apartheid and colonialism), to one of reconciliation and human rights. Policies and laws were changed to enable equality before the law. Transformation included changing from a culture of punishment, to one of reconciliation and rehabilitation. South Africans were proud and the world showed their support through investment, aid and tourism.

In 2009 the ANC installed Jacob Zuma as the country’s president. Instead of steady progress into a culture of human rights, one of corruption and violation, made possible with selective punishment flourishes at all levels of society. In contrast to Mandela who was widely known as a world statesman, Zuma has become known as the “shame of the nation” (Munusamy, 2016).

The profession of psychology is tasked with contributing to national mental health. During apartheid this profession was largely a silent witness to atrocities inflicted on the majority of South Africans (Louw & Foster, 2004). It is important to question to what extent it involves itself in the culture of violation today.

2. Clarifying some concepts

Violations are a central part of SA’s national identity (Altbeker, 2009; Hoffman, 2017a). There is a general social understanding that punishment is by far the preferred means to gain order. Society is calling for punishment to become harsher (Madia, 2017).

I use a slightly modified version of Fanon’s description of violence when defining violation as: “any relation, process or condition by which an individual, organisation or group violates the physical, social and/or psychological integrity of [the self and] another person or group.” (cited in Bulhan: 1985, p. 135).

Punishment defined by criminal law involves any penalty, suffering, and confinement to which a person is subjected, due to an offence against the law (Black’s Law Dictionary, 2017). The more successfully democratic a country is, the more all citizens, irrespective of positions of power, wealth or status, are treated equally before the law.

Punishment is also meted out and experienced informally, at all levels of social life. Any form of retribution which causes suffering, pain, or loss, constitutes punishment (e.g. English Oxford Living Dictionary, 2017). This definition includes the underlying probability of motivation, such as retribution behind punishment. Where the motivation of punishment is safety for all, punishment (only to the extent which it is necessary to ensure safety), is often an inevitable consequence to dangerous behaviour (Gilligan, 2001). On the other hand, where the priority of punishment is enforcement of a particular status quo, punishment becomes a device to coerce a culture of entitlement and violation, and so becomes a violation in its own right.

A distinction can be made between intention and motivation. Intention refers to that part of motivation based on consciously acknowledged reasoning. It minimises emotional, and historic dynamics underlying behaviour. It often refers only that which is seen and known in the current situation. Since intention usually arises out of popular acceptance of truth, it is relatively static and is easily accessible. The stated intention behind punishment is usually claimed to be noble - to stop violation and to encourage a culture of integrity. Motivation includes intent, but it is deeper, broader and more dynamic than intent alone. It involves deep underlying emotions central to the emergence of overt behaviour. It is often only partly accessible to conscious awareness. It includes how current violations have evolved from early, unintentional learning. Motivation involves the interplay between visible and invisible contributing factors. It can be brought to greater consciousness, but usually only after processes involving self-reflection, critical questioning and debate (Kendall, 2014; Future Human Evolution team). Intentions and motivations behind punishment often do not coincide.

Entitlement is defined as a sense of exaggerated deservingness. It emerges out of a sense of superiority where little or no regard is held for the rights of others (Foster et al., 2005).

The term integrity originates from the French term intégrité or the Latin integritas. It denotes the concept of integration, the state of being whole, having unified and sound construction, undivided, upholding territorial integrity and national sovereignty, and having dependable, reliable moral principles (Oxford Dictionary, 2017).


3. Theory

Intersubjective theory provides a well-suited framework within which to understand the complex issue of how selective punishment is deeply entrenched in a culture of violation. It looks at understanding social relationships so as to know why a particular status quo is created and maintained. It considers who decides what constitutes ‘valid knowledge’ and how this is used to create a particular concept of ‘order’ (Bhana & Kanjee, 2003). It considers how the current status quo is supported by selective rewards and punishments relevant a particular status quo (Carvalho & Chamberlen, 2017; Crossley, 1996). This paper will focus mainly on selective punishment.

Intersubjectivity views behaviour (in this case violations) as evolving over time. Behaviour is seen to be reflected across all levels of society. According to Crossley (1996) intersubjectivity has four core assumptions, each of which logically relates to the other. Firstly, human actions rely on openness to experiencing the material and social environment as part of one’s self. Secondly, various aspects of social reality commonly thought to be isolated from the environment, such as perceptions, meanings, emotion, language etc. can be show to be created between people, through their relationships with others. Thirdly, human action such as work, religion, family, ideology and language etc. which emerge in cultural institutions are all ways in which people attach themselves to the fabric of human living. In this way, human action forms the essence of humanity through meaning systems emerging out of it. Fourthly, psycho-social reality cannot be reduced by splitting it into discrete entities. There is a mutual dialogue between them and through relationships will always give rise to transformed expressions of their integrated functioning.


4. Policy

In 1994 the ANC was voted into power by an almost two thirds majority. The intention of the new, popularly elected party was to bring about a democracy, where all would be equal before the law. A culture of punishment and torture would be replaced by one of human rights.

At the foundation of all South Africa’s rules, laws and regulations lies one of the most progressive constitutions in the world. It was inspired by the Freedom Charter drawn up in 1955 by anti-apartheid activists. Its creators had Nelson Mandela in mind as the country’s first president. His vision and integrity possibly motivated them to give huge power to the position of presidency. However, in order to also create checks and balances against abuse of power by future leadership, the Constitution enabled the creation of chapter 9 institutions. In order to be effective, these institutions are to be given the freedom to ensure that governmental organs operate with integrity.


5. Principle of punishment at all social levels

This paper focuses on the dynamics occurring between authority figures who typically use punishment as a means of taking care, and those who are vulnerable to the process. Mostly well-known examples will be used to show that selective punishment enforces compliance, thereby undermines empowerment and creates an autocratic status quo. Coercion, and punishment as its enabler is more likely to lead to violation than it is to integrity.

5.1 National level

Despite having changed to democratic rule in 1994 SA is notorious for having the largest gap between wealthy and poor in the world. More than half the population lives below the poverty line (STATS SA, 2017). In the past decade the economy has disintegrated to such an extent that the unemployment rate has climbed to 27.7% (Trading Economics, 2017). The ever-increasing discrepancy, added to un-kept promises by leaders for a better life, sacrifices having been made to gain education yet having no jobs to go to, decreasing housing and safety for all, all contribute to accumulation of emotions of rage and shame. This did not just happen, it has developed over time.


5.1.1 Presidential power

The person with the greatest accountability for state welfare, as well as the person who has the most power to hire and fire, to punish and reward, is the State President. This position has been occupied by Jacob Zuma since 2009. Zuma’s two departments directly tasked with punishment, South African Police Services (SAPS) and the Department of Correctional Services (DCS) will be briefly looked at as examples of contamination at institutional levels.

5.1.1.1 Brief background

In 2005, as well as chairing the South African National Aids Council, Zuma was the driving force behind the Moral Regeneration Movement (MRM). At the opening of the MRM’s first conference, he stated: “The MRM was founded on the principles that South Africans are highly moral beings, know the difference between right and wrong, and are appalled by the symptoms of moral decay which sometimes occur in our country. These include blatant disregard for the sanctity of human life, the abuse of women and children, crime, substance abuse, lack of respect for the next person and their property and so forth” (Motsei: 2007, pp11-12).

Zuma’s actions over the next 12 years are the antithesis of these words. The consequence has been a growth in wide distrust at all levels of society, fragmentation in his party, and breaking down of carefully built alliances through early processes of reconciliation.

Zuma’s integrity on sexuality and integrity became questionable before he became president. In December 2005 he was accused of raping a young woman who had been a visitor to his house since early childhood. Zuma claimed mutual consent and that his behaviour had been ‘culturally appropriate’. At the time Zuma had many wives. He knew the complainant was HIV positive, but the intercourse had been unprotected. The judge gave permission for her sexual history to be revealed in court, while his sexual history was not considered relevant (Evans & Wolmarans: 2006). Although he was found not guilty, Zuma beamed appreciation to hundreds of supporters who chanted “burn the Bitch!” On the court steps, he sang and danced to the struggle song: ‘Awulethu Umshini Wam’ (bring me my machine gun). The complainant was subsequently compelled to go into exile after being threatened with death.

In 2006 Zuma proclaimed that same sex marriages are a disgrace to the nation, and to God. He seemed proud to acknowledge that as a child he would have reacted aggressively to a gay person (Claymore, 2016; Staff reporter, 2016).

In 2008 Zuma was implicated in corruption charges brought against his financial advisor, Schabir Shaik. Shaik was given a 15 year prison sentence. The independent investigative team, the Scorpions investigated 783 charges of fraud and corruption against Zuma arising out of Shaik’s ‘improper’ relationship with Zuma.

5.1.1.2 Zuma’s presidency

Despite this background the African National Congress (ANC) nevertheless placed Zuma into the most powerful position in the country.
In 2009 Zuma concluded the disbanding of the Scorpions who were investigating corruption charges against him. The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) agreed to withdraw all charges against Zuma. Seven years later the court found, with the agreement of Zuma’s own counsel, that this decision by the NPA had been ‘irrational’ (Jika & Skiti, 2016). Despite eight years’ suspension of this matter being heard, his counsel requested the court to give permission for Zuma to make a renewed request for all charges to be dropped thus buying more time for Zuma in office. It costs the taxpayers more money.

In just four years, between 2009 and 2012 over R250 millions of state funds was spent on Zuma’s various homesteads. In contrast, between 1994 and 2010 R59 billion had to be spent on fixing the shoddy workmanship involved in building 2,4 million basic houses under the Reconstruction and Development Programme (Kane-Berman, 2011). The public protector and Constitutional Court both found that Zuma had failed to “uphold, defend and respect the Constitution as the supreme law of the land” (De Vos, 2017) due to personal enrichment, and at the expense of taxpayers.

In the first 5 years after taking office, Zuma failed to submit tax returns. Within a year of being asked by the Deputy Commissioner of the revenue office to do so, he was removed from office and replaced by a known Zuma supporter (Pouw, cited in Jordaan, 2017).

Zuma and family members befriended, formed alliances and became personally enriched with families such as the Shaik’s and Gupta’s. The recent leaking of emails suggest that the underhanded web of alliances between the Gupta and Zuma families has left the country captured, overwhelmed with disempowerment emerging out of the cumulative secretive violations of state democracy (Hoffman, 2017b; Lekabe, 2016; Staff reporter, 2017). The intrigue created by the Gupta-Zuma alliance is so deeply entrenched in state-owned companies (SOEs) that they have, without exception had to be bailed out for billions of rands with taxpayers’ money (City Press, 2017b; Janse van Vuuren, 2016).

The president does not apologise, he shows no remorse. In the face of the public’s demand for a commission of enquiry, the president insists that he should be in charge of setting the terms of it. The constitution gives him this power.

The president’s violations affect everyone. Global contamination by this alliance, due to money laundering is currently being investigated by the FBI in the United States, and in (Bateman, 2017).

A parliamentary vote by secret ballot, of no confidence in Zuma was tested. It shows the party still stands by him. Nonetheless, it was an extremely narrow win indicating a sharp reduction in party unity. Subsequently the general secretary broadcast on television that members of the party who had publicly stated they would vote with their conscience, would be ‘disciplined’ (ENCA.com, 2017). ANC member Makhosi Khoza resigned her party membership rather than comply with such ‘discipline’.

Increasingly, but particularly since March 2017 involving ‘The night of the long knives”, ministers who are considered unsupportive of Zuma’s programme for entitlement have been axed without consultation with other party officials. Minister of Finance Gordhan and his deputy, and Jonas are experienced leaders in finance who were insisting on austerity in government spending. They are trusted around the world. Jonas previously alleged he refused to take a bribe totalling R600 million offered by the Guptas to take over from Ghordhan as minister of finance. This axing led to the loss of billions of rands in investments in the country, and South Africa being placed into junk status (City Press, 2017a; News 24, 2017).

In October the minister of higher education, Blade Nzimande who is also the general secretary of the South African Communist Party is another casualty to surprise firing. The alliance between the ruling party, workers and the communist party brought about by careful negotiations in 1994 is now in smithereens.

The president and his supporters in power, have access to the tax coffers. The state pays their legal fees. In 2016 Carolus, a former ANC secretary general estimates that in the previous 10 years Zuma’s legal fees would have taken over a billion rands (BusinessTech, 2016). Investigative reporter, Jacques Pauw (2017) leaves one with the realistic conclusion that systematic fraud, corruption and the obstinate refusal to be tax compliant by Zuma, his family, his party and many in leadership positions is the substance of South Africa’s economic and political instability.

One half of the population is living below the poverty line, leaving little money for food, education, housing, let alone legal fees. Paying taxes to a corrupt government feels tantamount to supporting crime. It is difficult to remain passive. It is more likely that we channel all our energy into raging against every cent we pay as tax, which supports a family with friends and party who together appear to be the biggest scammers in the country (Ndebele, 2017). This is likely to trigger a reactive blaming and shaming culture rather than one of reflection and self-correction (Sangonet, 2015). Maybe this goes some way to explaining why, in South Africa, violent unrest between April 2015 and March 2016 escalated from 2289 the previous year, to 3542 (Etheridge, 2016).

Zuma and the entitled few may initially not have intended to sacrifice integrity for wealth, money and power. These gains may have become addictive over time but there are few who would deny that it has taken place at the expense of the oath to implement democracy where all are equal before the law.

5.2 Institutional levels

5.2.1 The South African Police Service

Since the late 1990s the rising rate of criminal behaviour led to the government’s so-called “war on crime” (Dixon, 2004). The public largely saw the government as ‘taking responsibility’ for crime in a very visible manner. Elements of democracy such as transparency and accountability soon became compromised when access to crime statistics was often restricted, and it was revealed that in some cases they were fraudulently calculated by SAPS so as not to lose face with the public (Altbeker: 2007; South African Race Relations: 2012).

From 2010 the concept of entitlement and selective punishment within SAPS itself became more systematic. The minister of police and head of Interpol, Jackie Selebi was convicted of corruption and convicted to 15 years imprisonment, of which he served 229 days before being released. In 2012 in one incident alone, 34 miners were killed by police at the Lonmin mine in Marikana. No police officer was charged with murder or assault, while 246 of the striking miners were charged with murder (National Reporter: 2015). In this same year many thousands of deaths and torture have occurred at the hands of the SAPS (South African Institute of Race Relations: 2012). At this time, the minister of police insisted that the crime rate was rapidly declining, and she was proud of the work SAPS was doing.

In 2013 it was found by an independent audit that 1448 members of SAPS had been found guilty of serious criminal offences, including assault, rape and murder. SAPS insisted the members stay in their positions until an internal enquiry could be concluded, which could take more than a year. Crime researcher Faull noted a lack of political will on the part of the SAPS and government to take steps to counter police corruption (Rademeyer & Wilkinson 2013).

In 2015 SAPS expressed outrage that 55 officers had been killed between January and August. The police commissioner and other political notables are often visible at these burials. Their absence at funerals of community members who die due to police brutality is a stark statement of entitlement, and differential worth making a mockery of the sentiment of equality before the law.

5.2.2 The Department of Correctional Services

From the early 1990s the strategic plan of the DCS was to prioritise safe and secure custody of inmates under humane conditions. The primary aim was to rehabilitate rather than punish. In 1996 the correctional services committed to a process of demilitarising in order to enhance rehabilitation. This is consistent with prison services policy in Norway, where recidivist rates are estimated to lie at 20% (see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jDjISR5OHa4. In South Africa these statistics are not kept, but in 2002 the recidivist rate was estimated to lie between 85 and 95% (Muntingh, 2002).

As early as 1949, the Lansdowne Commission recommended that staff members tasked with rehabilitation not use ranks or wear uniform (Dissel, 1997). Within four years, by 2003 the DCS regressed to its default position of reinforcing militarization. Psychologists were trained to use firearms and ranks and uniforms became reintroduced as conditions of service. A closed, authoritarian institution re-emerged. This was its only known way to re-enforce ‘discipline’.

Yet, inmates frequently note that the only difference between themselves and authority is the colour uniform their wear (personal experience). There is no trust between inmates and warders. Thousands of assaults by correctional officers on inmates go unchallenged and the inspectorate of prisons does not have the power to enforce a culture of human rights. Invariably, officers avoid taking responsibility and rather choose to blame gang activity (see e.g. http://www.enca.com/south-africa/video-prison-torture-chamber-exposed-on-camera).

In March 2009, just after serving two of his 15 year sentence, the president’s friend who helped him with his finances, Schabir Shaik was released from prison on ‘medical grounds’ (Laganparsad, 2017). The general prison population are fortunate if they are released on medical grounds, and then only if they are in the final stage of terminal illness (Groenewald, 2010). In 2017 Shaik appears to be healthy and living an extremely good quality of life (Times Live, 2017). Inmates of prisons are not stupid. Discrepancies in treatment of inmates based on positions of power, is not only noticed by them, it is interpreted as profound disrespect towards them and mirrored by them. Disrespect incurs mutual deep wrath and reduces the likelihood of rehabilitation and social justice.

Staff motivation dwindled in an atmosphere of threat and punishment. Whistle-blowers were axed (e.g. In Pollsmoor correctional centre Dr Paul Theron was fired because he reported poor medical conditions to the Judicial Inspectorate, and the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee for Correctional Services [Dimba, 2010]).

5.3 Interpersonal levels

Caregivers are the first and most important teachers of social norms in children’s lives. Some of their major tasks are to protect children and to teach them how to survive a reasonable quality of life. Learning how to relate in mutually respectful ways within their communities is crucial to these capacities. I use a case study to demonstrate how a sense of entitlement, using selective punishment constitutes self- and other violation (Hoffman, 2017a).

When Joe was 9 years old, his mother married his wealthy stepfather, Steve who appropriated the position of head of the house. Severe punishment was visited on anyone who did or said anything which displeased Steve. Joe described the trauma: “It was not enough to have done something ‘wrong’, then be ‘punished’ for it. To have a fucking lunatic, eyes glazed over with madness, a large, strong, grown man with fists; screaming abuse into your face, making you promise you will never do it again, that whatever you were supposed to have done wrong, perhaps the most wrong thing in the world, must never be repeated again, ever!!! And, as I scream this, that I am sorry, knowing that I have again been reduced to tears again, humiliated, beaten into total submission, verbally smashed into oblivion, this fucker says ‘I can’t hear you!’”.

Joe was terrified that Steve could sense his reactive rage: “He might have caught a glint in my eye, of ‘Fuck you! You bastard! I hate you! Fuck you! I don’t want you here! I hate you! You are a mean, miserable, aggressive, hateful bastard! I don’t want you to touch my mother! I don’t want you to be a part of my life! I never asked for you! Who are you to come into our lives? Who are you to beat me? I hate you! Leave me alone! You don’t give a shit about anybody, but yourself!”

In desperation Joe blamed his biological dad who had died when he was 3, saying: “Fuck my dad! Fuck my dad!” over and over to himself bringing panic in its wake: “I was horrified, desperate to stop these thoughts and words flowing from deep within me. At first, it seemed like a voice was coming from outside of me, and that, like some radio transmitter I was tuning in and picking up the signal, terrible as it was. But to my horror, over time, I realised that this voice, repeated over and over again, was coming from deep within me.”

If Joe was to survive physically, this rage could only accumulate and simmer inside, which constituted severe emotional damage. The force of bottled up energy gave rise to symptoms which were labelled by the psychological and psychiatric professions as: ‘hallucinations’, ‘delusions’ and ‘paranoia’. Yet Joe’s experience of what professionals so easily call ‘insanity’ emerged out of a natural, though unconscious need to protect himself from demands from his relational context, which were impossible for to satisfy.

In later life Joe’s deeply buried inner rage intermittently targeted others, such as when he volunteered to join the aggressive parachute battalion during the war, and himself when he lost the motivation to engage with all social and work aspects of life. After decades of trying to survive this crisis, he committed to two years in therapy where he learned the most courageous lesson of all: how to understand the evolution of his own demons. In doing so, he found himself able to survive, grow and interact with his environment with integrity.

Violations involve a process of learning over time, through relationships. Where this process is constantly reinforced from an early age violations are more likely to become central to the formation of a personality. Where there is commitment to learning and facing dynamics which underlie the emergence and growth of violations, it is more likely that sustained rehabilitation will occur.
The question must be asked: how accessible is therapeutic help?

5.3 Psychology

Psychology is tasked with the provision of mental health. The damage caused by entitlement, selective punishment (and poverty as part of it) are central to mental health. As a part of South African society, the profession of psychology is an integral part of this culture of entitlement as victim, benefactor, and creator.

There is a shortage of funds. In 2014, only 4 per cent (or R9.3 billion of the national budget) of the national budget was set aside to deal with the national mental health crisis (Tromp et al, 2014). There is a shortage of psychologists. In 2014 the ratio of people to practising psychologists was approximately 8000:1.

The distribution of psychologists is important. There is a severe shortage of paid positions in public hospitals, clinics and non-governmental organisations. More than 80% of the population have no possibility of accessing therapy. Seventy-five % of those afflicted with the five most severe forms of mental distress, noted as depression, substance abuse, anxiety, bi-polar disorder and schizophrenia are unlikely to receive effective professional assistance (Tromp et al, 2014). Overwhelming demand means that, at best the help provided will be limited to diagnosis and crisis management leaving the client with a: “I am a …”. The process necessary for clients to come to understand how symptoms have naturally arisen out of particular contexts is not possible. The opportunity to become empowered from therapy is thus lost. Very little, if any motivation and financial assistance goes towards primary and secondary prevention of crises in mental health (Gilligan, 2001; Hoffman, 2017a).

The majority of therapists work with the 20% of people who can afford to pay with limited medical aid funds, or in rare cases privately. Employment assistance schemes usually cap therapy at 3 to 6 sessions. This has little if any effect for the kinds of distress suffered in a country where entitlement and punishment leave vulnerable people disempowered, enraged and hopeless.

Serious problems exist within the profession itself. In 2011 the governing body tasked to ensure integration between health care and professional conduct, the Health Professions Council of South Africa (HPCSA) severely limited an already stretched profession by unilaterally insisting that all psychologists practice according to categories chosen during their Masters’ year, irrespective of experience or learning gained thereafter. Divisions were created between clinical psychologists (the entitled group), and counselling and educational categories (whose work was prejudiced). Previously relations between these groups had been mutually beneficial. Punishment would ensue should professionals not perform ‘within their categories’. This regulation cut the availability of already scarce skills by more than half (e.g. Kriegler, 2017). Medical aids refused to continue paying invoices for ‘out-of-category’ professional services, despite having done so before. Unable to sustain a living, many psychologists left the country. Anxiety levels of most professionals who stayed were raised considerably. Many affected psychologists went to court which is a lengthy process and took 5 years. They had to pay their own legal fees to successfully affirm their rights. In contrast, the HPCSA’s legal fees were paid by subscriptions from members, more than of half of whom were prejudiced parties. The Minister of Health’s fees were paid from taxes, also partly derived from those prejudiced in this matter.

Where the right to perform work and earn a living are threatened, it is less likely that affected psychologists will have extra resources and motivation to critically question the role of their profession in the culture of violation. It is difficult to remember that in order to hold onto our own personhood, we must remain in relationship with others in caring, just and respectful ways (Mkhize, 2004).

6. Conclusion

South Africa’s history is a lesson in how prejudice between individuals and groups constitutes, sustains and grows a culture of violation. Irrespective of intentions written into theory and policy, a culture of violations destroys democracy and its core elements of critical questioning, transparency, accountability and integrity.

Currently, at the centre of this culture of violation lies a power imbalance, the largest in the world, which favours oppression. As in the past, the minority presume positions of exaggerated entitlement through the use of selective punishment over the majority to coerce compliance. Compliance ensures continued entitlement of the few, and growing poverty of the majority thereby disempowering the majority from a human quality of life and dignity. It is logical that, in defence mixtures of rage and despair will organically arise.

The psychological profession which is tasked with national health, is an integral part of this culture of violation. As with other individuals and groups, psychologists are caught up with defending against their own disempowerment. It is more likely that, as in the past, this profession becomes blinded to the danger that it is becoming progressively irrelevant to those who most need its scarce resources. Sometimes, like our clients we bottle up rage, or dissolve despair, or claim ‘neutrality’ forgetting what Edmund Burke’s wise words: “the only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men (sic) to do nothing” (Open Culture, 2016).

Violation has its roots in the past. Without critical questioning, self-reflection, and self-accountability for our own part in it, violation will be projected onto others. They will be punished for it. As occurred before 1994, we will become the hands that ensure violation will become the legacy that is passed into future generations at all levels of society.


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