The struggle of Asian-American males’ sexual identification does not constrict their community, but also in relation to Afro-American males as well. Whereas Asian-American males are perceived as hypo-masculine/feminine, Afro-American males are sexualized as hyper-masculine/violent. The two racial groups are defined in relation to one another, but in opposite poles – which are primarily constructed by white supremacy (Chang, 2015, pp. 19-20). It indicates performative acts and gender constitutions are socially fabricated, and the body is the essence of the struggle for its meaning historically, culturally, and socially (Sasaki-Picou, 2014, pp. 103).

Asians’ attitudes toward Hip Hop and Afro-American males are associated with phallic empowerment (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 115) – something most Asian males lack through the process of representation and socio-historic-cultural oppressive experiences (Eng, 2001; Espiritu, 1997; Denzin, 2002; Park, 2009; Park, 2010). Most countries throughout the great Asia continent were colonized by white Europeans and/or Americans. Thus, their influence on race, sex, and gender should not be underestimated. In “MacArthur’s Children,” Masahiro envisioned Japan deprives of Japanese men but of Americans, Japanese women, and their mixed-blood children. A central Japanese character is raped by an Afro-American male soldier. After observing the rape scene, a couple of young village boys narrated back to the villagers how massive the size of that soldier’s penis was. Through the narrative, Japanese masculinity is sexually challenged and emasculated (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 115). So does Hip Hop – the author also argued – in which it is intertwined with the subtext of masculinity and phallic power, and at the same time emphasized what Asians are bereft of (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 115)? This Freudian discourse of small penis size is accompanied by the interpretation that Asian-American males are not as masculine as Afro-American males (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 125). A threat, indeed!

Later – during the 1960s – white Euro-Americans’ construction of Asian-American-ness through the model minority has utilized and advanced Asian-Americans’ spot within the national framework. They perform an inanimate inner of a Yellow Peril work ethic, while Afro-Americans are the symmetrical contrast of how Asian-Americans are portrayed (Chon-Smith, 2015, pp. 3). Racial magnetism emphasizes the power of white manhood position at the center and other racial minority groups have resided on each opposite ends of the axis (Chon-Smith, 2015, pp. 4). Chang (2004) commented that, unlike Afro-Americans, the model minority sets Asian-Americans to demonstrate their political revolution through a more feminine approach. “As the Black and Brown communities push for changes in our present system, the Oriental is set forth as an example to be followed – a minority group that has achieved success through adaptation rather than confrontation … Orientals in America have become affluent through their hard work and silence” (pp. 372).

Racial magnetism underlines Afro-American males as hyper-masculine, while Asian-American males as passive and feminine. Such socially constructed masculinity becomes a site to romanticize what others bereave. In this context, Hip Hop and its hyper-masculinity affirm its privileged position for Asian-American males’ desire to be hegemonized and claimed as “us” instead of “others” in the national belongingness discourse (Chang, 2015; Cornyetz, 1994; Drissel, 2011). This also problematizes white supremacy. Gender is socially constructed, and so does the gendered structuring of both Afro-American and Asian-American males. To put it in a different way, Asian-American males are positioned on the feminine end of the axis (“Oriental rationalism/exoticism”), while Afro-American males are located on the hyper-masculine other ends of the axis (“Black primitivism”), and at the same time, white manhood is securely situated itself in the middle (“normative Whiteness”) (Drissel, 2011, pp. 213). In order to not be excluded from the gender and sexual discourses in the United States, both ends – Asian-American and Afro-American males – need to accommodate themselves to move toward the middle of the socially structured gendering axis to be considered as “fitted in.”

Since the hyper-masculinity of Hip Hop music presents a site for gender reformation of Asian-American males’ feminine constructed identity, images of Afro-Americans thus gained a new platform in the Asian-American community. The esteem of whiteness and the notion of “pure blood lineage” that have been ideal for the Asian community since ancient times (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 122) are no longer appreciated. That is replaced with a revolutionized Afro-Americanization movement through the imitation of Afro-American males’ style of walking, communicating, clothing, and gesticulating to others. For many Asian-American males, admiration supersedes fear and distaste. It can be seen as a “fetish” – a psychological and behavioral defense mechanism to compensate for the sexual difference and colonial desire – in a way (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 124). This transition to “Black” identity desexualizes the femininity status of Asian-American males and achieves a redefined sense of sexual equilibrium which can be found only in Hip Hop (Drissel, 2011, pp. 213). It is important to acknowledge the fact that, by identifying with the hyper-masculine Afro-American identity through the acquisition of Hip Hop, Asian-American males liberate themselves and also threaten and challenge white supremacy on the discourse of subjective manhood agency (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 127). Significantly, such a shift in gender restructuring positions Asian-American males outside of the United States' socially constructed gender norms which will effectively impact the power distribution of Asian-American males to other racial male groups in mainstream society (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 127). In addition, it also generates a foundation for sexual and gender revolution for other racial groups to start to question their constructed identities in the United States. Not only that, this movement will re-identify and re-construct the representations of not only Asian-American males but also other racial and sexual groups in the process of globalization and representation across the globe.

The struggle of Asian-American males’ sexual identification does not constrict their community, but also in relation to Afro-American males as well. Whereas Asian-American males are perceived as hypo-masculine/feminine, Afro-American males are sexualized as hyper-masculine/violent. The two racial groups are defined in relation to one another, but in opposite poles – which are primarily constructed by white supremacy (Chang, 2015, pp. 19-20). It indicates performative acts and gender constitutions are socially fabricated, and the body is the essence of the struggle for its meaning historically, culturally, and socially (Sasaki-Picou, 2014, pp. 103).

Asians’ attitudes toward Hip Hop and Afro-American males are associated with phallic empowerment (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 115) – something most Asian males lack through the process of representation and socio-historic-cultural oppressive experiences (Eng, 2001; Espiritu, 1997; Denzin, 2002; Park, 2009; Park, 2010). Most countries throughout the great Asia continent were colonized by white Europeans and/or Americans. Thus, their influence on race, sex, and gender should not be underestimated. In “MacArthur’s Children,” Masahiro envisioned Japan deprives of Japanese men but of Americans, Japanese women, and their mixed-blood children. A central Japanese character is raped by an Afro-American male soldier. After observing the rape scene, a couple of young village boys narrated back to the villagers how massive the size of that soldier’s penis was. Through the narrative, Japanese masculinity is sexually challenged and emasculated (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 115). So does Hip Hop – the author also argued – in which it is intertwined with the subtext of masculinity and phallic power, and at the same time emphasized what Asians are bereft of (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 115)? This Freudian discourse of small penis size is accompanied by the interpretation that Asian-American males are not as masculine as Afro-American males (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 125). A threat, indeed!

Later – during the 1960s – white Euro-Americans’ construction of Asian-American-ness through the model minority has utilized and advanced Asian-Americans’ spot within the national framework. They perform an inanimate inner of a Yellow Peril work ethic, while Afro-Americans are the symmetrical contrast of how Asian-Americans are portrayed (Chon-Smith, 2015, pp. 3). Racial magnetism emphasizes the power of white manhood position at the center and other racial minority groups have resided on each opposite ends of the axis (Chon-Smith, 2015, pp. 4). Chang (2004) commented that, unlike Afro-Americans, the model minority sets Asian-Americans to demonstrate their political revolution through a more feminine approach. “As the Black and Brown communities push for changes in our present system, the Oriental is set forth as an example to be followed – a minority group that has achieved success through adaptation rather than confrontation … Orientals in America have become affluent through their hard work and silence” (pp. 372).

Racial magnetism underlines Afro-American males as hyper-masculine, while Asian-American males as passive and feminine. Such socially constructed masculinity becomes a site to romanticize what others bereave. In this context, Hip Hop and its hyper-masculinity affirm its privileged position for Asian-American males’ desire to be hegemonized and claimed as “us” instead of “others” in the national belongingness discourse (Chang, 2015; Cornyetz, 1994; Drissel, 2011). This also problematizes white supremacy. Gender is socially constructed, and so does the gendered structuring of both Afro-American and Asian-American males. To put it in a different way, Asian-American males are positioned on the feminine end of the axis (“Oriental rationalism/exoticism”), while Afro-American males are located on the hyper-masculine other ends of the axis (“Black primitivism”), and at the same time, white manhood is securely situated itself in the middle (“normative Whiteness”) (Drissel, 2011, pp. 213). In order to not be excluded from the gender and sexual discourses in the United States, both ends – Asian-American and Afro-American males – need to accommodate themselves to move toward the middle of the socially structured gendering axis to be considered as “fitted in.”

Since the hyper-masculinity of Hip Hop music presents a site for gender reformation of Asian-American males’ feminine constructed identity, images of Afro-Americans thus gained a new platform in the Asian-American community. The esteem of whiteness and the notion of “pure blood lineage” that have been ideal for the Asian community since ancient times (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 122) are no longer appreciated. That is replaced with a revolutionized Afro-Americanization movement through the imitation of Afro-American males’ style of walking, communicating, clothing, and gesticulating to others. For many Asian-American males, admiration supersedes fear and distaste. It can be seen as a “fetish” – a psychological and behavioral defense mechanism to compensate for the sexual difference and colonial desire – in a way (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 124). This transition to “Black” identity desexualizes the femininity status of Asian-American males and achieves a redefined sense of sexual equilibrium which can be found only in Hip Hop (Drissel, 2011, pp. 213). It is important to acknowledge the fact that, by identifying with the hyper-masculine Afro-American identity through the acquisition of Hip Hop, Asian-American males liberate themselves and also threaten and challenge white supremacy on the discourse of subjective manhood agency (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 127). Significantly, such a shift in gender restructuring positions Asian-American males outside of the United States' socially constructed gender norms which will effectively impact the power distribution of Asian-American males to other racial male groups in mainstream society (Cornyetz, 1994, pp. 127). In addition, it also generates a foundation for sexual and gender revolution for other racial groups to start to question their constructed identities in the United States. Not only that, this movement will re-identify and re-construct the representations of not only Asian-American males but also other racial and sexual groups in the process of globalization and representation across the globe.