From Victim to Survivor in Human Trafficking: Emphasising a Holistic Return to Social Functioning

Human trafficking inflicts profound trauma on its victims, often leaving lasting psychological, physical, and social scars. This article examines the journey “from victim to survivor” and beyond, arguing that a holistic approach to recovery—encompassing trauma-informed mental health care and social reintegration—is essential. Theory and evidence are discussed in two parts.

Part one explores human trafficking in the context of trauma, emphasising that intensive psychological and psychiatric support (individual therapy and support groups) is at the heart of survivors’ mental recovery. We highlight the need for comprehensive support in contexts like Kenya, where rebuilding livelihoods and returning to employment are crucial for restoring survivors’ self-agency and facilitating their transition from victims to survivors, and eventually to community leaders.

Part two introduces the “4P” model (an extension of the United Nations’ original 3P framework) as a holistic anti-trafficking strategy, covering Prevention, Protection, Prosecution, and Partnerships. We reference the UN’s Framework for Action and illustrate how this model is applied by anti-trafficking organisations—specifically HAART Kenya and a Polish foundation partnering with HAART—to address survivors’ needs. In the Method section, we summarise a recent study that constructed a vocational interest scale (in cooperation with Dr. Mariusz Wołońciej) based on John Holland’s RIASEC career model. Using exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses, a five-factor structure of vocational interests was replicated among Kenyan survivors (Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Conventional), with the Enterprising dimension not emerging as distinct—suggesting cultural nuances. We discuss Kenya’s cultural diversity (with over 40 tribes) and how culture affects vocational interest profiles among survivors of human trafficking. Key conclusions are drawn on best practices for supporting survivors’ mental health and socio-economic reintegration. In sum, holistic recovery approaches that integrate therapeutic care, empowerment through employment, and multi-sector collaboration can transform those who have been trafficked from victims to survivors—and even to survivor-leaders who inspire change.

Keywords: human trafficking; trauma; psychological support; holistic recovery; 4P model; Kenya; RIASEC; vocational interests; survivor leadership

Human Trafficking, Trauma, and the Heart of Recovery

Survivors of human trafficking invariably carry deep traumatic wounds. The trafficking experience—whether for sexual exploitation, forced labour, or other forms of modern slavery—is characterised by prolonged abuse, coercion, and dehumanisation. As a result, many survivors develop complex psychological sequelae. Research indicates extremely high prevalence of mental health problems in trafficked persons, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, anxiety, substance-use disorders, and other trauma-related symptoms (Altun et al., 2017). One study in England noted that depression, anxiety, and PTSD are especially common among trafficked people .In fact, virtually all survivors exhibit some psychological distress: a survey in the United States found that 98% of trafficking survivors showed signs of mental health challenges (Swinmurn, 2024), with conditions such as anxiety, depression, PTSD, eating disorders, memory problems, and addiction being commonly reported .These mental health struggles often stem directly from the complex trauma of trafficking, and they can severely impair a survivor’s ability to function in daily life or to reintegrate into society (Marburger & Pickover, 2020).

Given the severity of trauma, psychological and psychiatric support is the cornerstone of recovery for trafficking survivors. A trauma-informed approach to care is critical: survivors require access to mental health services that acknowledge the complexity of their trauma and avoid re-victimisation. Unfortunately, barriers to accessing such care are widespread. Survivors may face stigma, lack of resources, or distrust of institutions, which can impede them from seeking help (Swinmurn, 2024). Many have endured stigma not only from society (due to misconceptions about trafficking and prostitution) but also self-stigma and shame. Fear of not being believed or of being judged—particularly for those with substance abuse or criminal records resulting from their exploitation—can deter survivors from engaging with mental health professionals. It is therefore essential that care providers offer a compassionate, survivor-cantered environment, where the individual’s dignity is respected and their autonomy is prioritised (e.g., avoiding any involuntary treatment that could echo the loss of control they experienced during trafficking).

Individual therapy with trained clinicians forms a crucial component of this recovery process. Evidence-based trauma treatments such as cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT), trauma-focused CBT, exposure therapy, and Eye Movement Desensitisation and Reprocessing (EMDR) have shown effectiveness in addressing PTSD and related symptoms in trafficking survivors. Useful can be also framework of TIC (Trauma-Informed Care) approach. Such therapies can help survivors process their traumatic memories, reduce symptoms like flashbacks and nightmares, and gradually rebuild trust and safety. Therapy also offers a confidential space for survivors to confront feelings of guilt, shame, and low self-worth that often result from their exploitation (Marburger & Pickover, 2020). Over time, a strong therapeutic alliance can empower survivors to reclaim their narrative and sense of identity beyond the “victim” label.

In addition to one-on-one therapy, support groups and peer counselling are immensely beneficial in recovery. Group therapy provides survivors with a supportive community of individuals who have endured similar experiences. This shared understanding can break the profound sense of isolation many feel. As Marburger and Pickover (2020) describe, participating in group counselling empowers survivors by allowing them to share their stories in a safe setting, which generates community and mutual support. Peer support is a “vital component of intervention” that not only motivates survivors to stay in treatment but also helps prevent relapse into unsafe situations (e.g. returning to a trafficker out of desperation). Discussing stigmatised experiences in a group can dramatically reduce shame: survivors often realise that “no one else has gone through this” is a false belief, and hearing others’ testimonies helps them recognise the commonality of their reactions to trauma. In essence, support groups validate survivors’ feelings and foster a sense of belonging. They also enable more advanced stages of recovery—where survivors not only heal but begin to support and mentor each other. Indeed, many anti-trafficking advocates note a progression from victim to survivor to leader. As confidence and stability grow, some survivors choose to become “survivor-leaders,” using their lived experience to guide and inspire others (Countryman-Roswurm & DiLollo, 2015). This leadership can be therapeutic in its own right: by helping peers, survivors often find purpose and transform their pain into strength.

Holistic support is not limited to therapy. A truly comprehensive recovery addresses basic needs (safety, shelter, medical care), legal and financial issues, education, and livelihood. Survivors often emerge from trafficking with no job, little education or training, and sometimes criminal records wrongfully assigned to them (e.g. prostitution charges) that hinder employment (Marburger & Pickover, 2020). Thus, reintegration programs must help survivors rebuild their social and economic functioning alongside their mental health. Nowhere is this more evident than in the Kenyan context, where returning to gainful employment or entrepreneurship is a linchpin of recovery. Employment is more than just income for survivors: it is the restoration of self-agency and dignity. Gaining the ability to support oneself legally and safely breaks the traffickers’ hold and prevents re-victimisation. It also allows survivors to move from feeling like helpless victims to confident survivors in charge of their own lives.

In Kenya, aftercare organisations emphasise vocational rehabilitation as much as therapy. Many survivors there are young and were trafficked during their prime working or schooling years, leaving them with interrupted educations and few marketable skills. Without prospects for legitimate work, they would be extremely vulnerable to being trafficked again or falling into exploitation out of economic necessity. Restoring a survivor’s capacity to earn a livelihood is therefore crucial for long-term recovery. This often involves providing education, skills training, or seed funding to start small businesses. It also means tackling structural barriers: survivors may need assistance obtaining identity documents, clearing wrongful criminal records, or overcoming community stigma in order to re-enter the workforce.

Kenya’s approach to survivor rehabilitation increasingly recognises these needs. For example, the non-governmental organisation HAART Kenya (Awareness Against Human Trafficking) integrates holistic care and economic empowerment into its mission. HAART Kenya’s model goes beyond rescue and counselling; it actively helps survivors gain skills and become self-reliant. With support from partners like the HAART Poland Foundation and Polish Aid, programs have been established to fund survivors’ business ventures and provide entrepreneurship training. Over 50 survivors in Kenya have received small grants to start their own businesses, coupled with specialised training in entrepreneurship, basic finance, marketing, and understanding Kenyan labour laws. Equipping survivors with these tools enables them to transform “from victims of slavery to independent entrepreneurs” (HAART Poland, n.d.). In doing so, survivors not only achieve personal independence from outside aid, but may also generate employment for others, thereby “positively impacting the lives of those around them”. This ripple effect can elevate a survivor to a role of a community leader or change agent – the final step in the journey from victimhood (HAART Poland, n.d.).

Crucially, employment brings back a sense of self-agency that trafficking strips away. Having a decent job or running a business gives survivors control over their daily activities and future plans. They can once again support their families and contribute to society in a positive way, countering the narrative of worthlessness that traffickers often instil. In Kenyan culture, as in many others, being able to work and provide is tied to one’s identity and respect in the community. Thus, when survivors secure honest livelihoods, they not only heal individually but also often regain a valued place in their communities. Several Kenyan survivors have even become advocates, using their experiences to educate others about trafficking and to fight for policy changes. Their credibility as “survivor-leaders” comes from lived experience, and it allows them to reach at-risk populations in ways outsiders cannot (e.g., through peer mentorship or survivor-led support networks). In sum, mental recovery and social-economic reintegration go hand in hand: therapy helps survivors recover psychologically, while education and employment restore normalcy and empowerment. Both dimensions are indispensable in the journey to wholeness after trafficking.

The 4P Model – A Holistic Anti-Trafficking Framework

To systematically address the multifaceted needs of trafficking survivors (and to combat trafficking itself), governments and organisations have increasingly adopted what is known as the “3P” or “4P” model. The 3P paradigm was originally outlined by the United Nations and the U.S. government and stands for Prevention, Protection, and Prosecution (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime [UNODC], 2010). These three pillars were first articulated in the early 2000s as part of the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons (the Palermo Protocol) and subsequent policy frameworks. In brief, Prevention involves efforts to stop human trafficking before it occurs (for example, by reducing vulnerabilities through public awareness, education, and economic development). Protection refers to rescuing victims and providing them with care and rehabilitation, as well as safeguarding their rights (including witness protection and legal support during trials). Prosecution focuses on enforcing laws to charge and convict traffickers, thereby delivering justice and deterring perpetrators.

Over time, practitioners recognised that a fourth “P” – Partnership – is also critical, hence the expanded 4P model. Partnership emphasises that no single agency or sector can tackle human trafficking alone; instead, collaboration is needed across governments, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), international bodies, law enforcement, social services, and community groups. The United Nations now advocates for this 4P approach as an international best practice, noting that effective anti-trafficking action requires simultaneous commitment to all four components (HAART Poland, n.d.). In the UN’s International Framework for Action to Implement the Trafficking in Persons Protocol, these elements are clearly delineated. For instance, the Framework calls on countries to establish national strategies that Prevent trafficking (through addressing root causes like poverty and lack of education), Protect and assist victims (through shelters, medical and psychosocial care, and reintegration programs), Prosecute crimes (by passing strong laws and training police and judges), and Partner with civil society and international organisations to leverage expertise and resources (UNODC, 2010).

This 4P model provides a holistic framework that guides not only policy but also the work of front-line organisations aiding survivors. A key insight of the model is the interconnectedness of outcomes: preventing trafficking reduces future victims; ensuring protection and recovery for victims helps prevent re-trafficking; successful prosecutions remove offenders from society and also depend on victim cooperation (which in turn requires good protection and support); and partnerships knit the whole system together by ensuring that knowledge and responsibilities are shared. By addressing trafficking from these four angles, the 4P approach aims for a comprehensive response – one that not only reacts to incidents of trafficking but also proactively reduces its incidence and bolsters the resilience of communities.

In practice, the 4Ps have been embraced by many anti-trafficking entities worldwide. HAART Kenya is one such example of a grassroots organisation applying this framework on the ground. Founded in 2010 in Nairobi, HAART Kenya explicitly works through a “multidisciplinary approach” aligned with the UN Four P’s Strategy (HAART Kenya, 2025). In terms of Prevention, HAART Kenya conducts trainings and public awareness workshops across the country – from educating judges and parliamentarians to holding community forums “under a tree or in a shack” in rural villages. These workshops teach people how to recognise trafficking recruitment tactics, distinguish genuine job offers from lures, and safely navigate migration for work. By empowering vulnerable groups with knowledge and skills (such as safe job searching and risk reduction strategies), HAART’s prevention work addresses some root causes of trafficking in Kenya, like unemployment and lack of awareness.

For Protection, HAART Kenya actively identifies victims and offers them comprehensive support. The organisation operates a safe shelter in Nairobi in partnership with HAART Poland, providing survivors with necessities (food, medical care) and services of psychologists, psychiatrists, and lawyers (HAART Poland, n.d.). Protection also involves rehabilitation programs—such as the support groups and vocational training discussed in Theory 1—which facilitate healing and reintegration. HAART’s victim assistance is victim-centred and individualised, acknowledging that each survivor has unique needs. Some may require prolonged trauma counselling, while others need legal aid or family reunification; many benefit from skills training or seed funding as noted earlier. HAART Kenya’s protection efforts exemplify the “holistic care” called for in its mission, treating survivors not just as case files but as people with the potential to recover and thrive in society (HAART Kenya, 2025).

The Prosecution pillar is more challenging for NGOs, as criminal investigation and prosecution are primarily government responsibilities. However, HAART Kenya contributes by working closely with law enforcement and the justice system. They encourage survivors to engage with the legal process and provide testimony against traffickers when possible, ensuring that survivors are safe and supported throughout court proceedings. Additionally, HAART and similar NGOs often train police and judicial officers on trauma-informed handling of trafficking cases. In Kenya, despite strong anti-trafficking laws (such as the Counter-Trafficking in Persons Act of 2010), enforcement has been weak. HAART’s advocacy in this area includes pushing for better implementation of the law and greater accountability. As an organisation, HAART “believe[s] in the use of the rule of law in addressing some of the root causes of human trafficking,” underscoring that justice for victims is a critical component of combating the crime. Victims’ sense of justice—knowing that their exploiters have been punished—can also be psychologically important in their recovery, helping to affirm that what happened to them was a serious crime and that society recognises their harm (HAART Kenya, 2025).

Finally, Partnerships are central to HAART’s model. HAART Kenya collaborates with a wide network of stakeholders: local community leaders, international bodies (like the International Organisation for Migration and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime), foreign donors (such as the Polish government through Polish Aid), and partner NGOs. A notable collaboration is with HAART Poland, a foundation established in 2018 specifically to support HAART Kenya’s work (Radosław Malinowski, the founder of HAART Kenya, also leads HAART Poland). This partnership exemplifies how resources and knowledge flow between the Global North and South in the anti-trafficking field. HAART Poland secures funding and raises awareness in Europe about trafficking in Africa, while HAART Kenya implements programs on the ground. Through Polish Aid grants, HAART Poland has financed emergency assistance for survivors in Kenya (including the safe house in Nairobi) and the vocational activation initiatives that provided 50 business grants to survivors. Such international partnerships enable a more robust response than what a local NGO could achieve alone. Domestically, HAART Kenya partners with Kenyan government agencies and is a member of the National Advisory Committee on Combating Human Trafficking, ensuring that civil society’s insights inform national policy (HAART Kenya, 2025). By coordinating efforts through partnerships, duplication of services is avoided and each actor—be it an NGO, government department, or community group—can focus on their strengths within the 4P framework.

In summary, the 4P model serves as a comprehensive blueprint for anti-trafficking efforts. By referencing this framework, we underscore that helping a victim become a survivor (and eventually thrive) requires action on multiple fronts. Psychological support (Protection) must be paired with opportunities for economic self-sufficiency (a form of both Protection and Prevention against re-trafficking). Law enforcement must do its part to prosecute offenders, and broad partnerships must underpin all these activities to sustain them. Kenya’s anti-trafficking stakeholders, with UN support, have adopted this strategy to coordinate national efforts (HAART Kenya, 2025), and NGOs like HAART have operationalised it at the community level. The result is an approach that not only rescues individuals but also addresses the systemic factors of trafficking — an approach necessary to truly transform victims into survivors with a future.

Method: Vocational Interest Study in the Kenyan Context

To illustrate the importance of cultural context in holistic reintegration, this article draws on a recent research study of vocational interests among Kenyan youth, including survivors of human trafficking. The study’s goal was to understand how socio-cultural factors influence career interests in Kenya, as this can inform the design of better rehabilitation and job placement programs for survivors. Conducted in 2024–2025 with the cooperation of PhD researcher Mariusz Wołońciej, the study involved developing a tailored vocational interest scale based on John L. Holland’s RIASEC model of career personalities. Holland’s theory (Holland, 1997) identifies six broad interest areas—Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional (often abbreviated RIASEC)—which correspond to both personality traits and compatible work environments. For example, Realistic interests involve practical, hands-on activities; Social interests involve helping people; Enterprising involves leadership and business ventures, and so on. The theory has been widely applied in career counselling and interest inventories around the world, but mostly in Western contexts.

Scale Construction: In this study, a new questionnaire was created to measure these six interest types among Kenyan respondents. The items were adapted to be culturally relevant, using examples of jobs and activities familiar in Kenya (for instance, farming or Jua Kali artisan work for Realistic interests, community volunteering for Social interests, etc.). The scale development was guided by expert input – PhD. Mariusz Wołońciej and the author collaborated to ensure content validity – and it was initially written in English with simple language, since English is widely spoken in Kenya, especially among educated youth. Before full deployment, the questionnaire was pilot-tested and reviewed by Kenyan professionals to make sure the wording was appropriate and interpreted consistently. This step was crucial given the multicultural nature of Kenya; with over 42 ethnic groups in the country (East African Community, n.d.), terminology can vary, and certain activities might not resonate equally across tribes. Where needed, minor adjustments were made or translations provided for key terms in Swahili (Kenya’s national language) to improve clarity.

Participants: The research sample included approximately 99 Kenyan adolescents and young adults (aged roughly 15–21) in late 2024. The post-test analysis was conducted on a group of 60 adult people who had been rescued from human trafficking. The sample was intentionally balanced on several demographic factors: there were both females and males (about 55% female, 45% male), and participants hailed from both urban centres (like capital city Nairobi) and rural areas. Ethnically, the two largest groups represented were Kikuyu (the largest ethnic community in Kenya) and Luhya, along with a mix of individuals from other tribes (such as Luo, Kalenjin, Kamba, etc.). This diversity allowed the study to explore cultural differences in interests across Kenya’s tribes and regions. Participants were informed of the study’s purpose (career interest assessment) and gave consent; for minors, guardian consent was obtained through the partnering organisations.

Analyses: The collected interest data were analysed using both exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to determine whether Holland’s six-factor model held true in this Kenyan context. Given that interest inventories developed in Western countries sometimes show different factor patterns in other cultures, we wanted to see if all six RIASEC dimensions would emerge clearly. The analyses were conducted with IBM SPSS software. A principal-axis EFA was first performed on one half of the sample, and a CFA was then run on the second half to validate the factor structure.

Results: Interestingly, the RIASEC model was largely replicated, but with a notable exception. Five strong factors emerged corresponding to five of Holland’s types: Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, and Conventional. However, the Enterprising factor did not clearly emerge as a separate dimension in this sample. In other words, items that were intended to measure Enterprising interests (such as enjoying leadership roles, entrepreneurial activities, sales, or managing others) tended to load on other factors or did not cluster together distinctly. This result was confirmed by the CFA, which showed that a five-factor model fit the data better than a six-factor model. The absence of a standalone Enterprising factor suggests that the concept of “enterprising” interests may be less differentiated in the Kenyan cultural and economic context, at least among these young respondents. One hypothesis is that because many Kenyan youth (especially those from disadvantaged backgrounds or rural areas) have had limited opportunities to engage in entrepreneurial or leadership roles, they might not distinguish those interests well from other areas. It’s also possible that in a collectivist culture, entrepreneurial activities are viewed through the lens of community and social impact rather than personal leadership, thus overlapping with Social interests. This finding resonates with cross-cultural career research indicating that interest structures can vary by culture – a phenomenon noted in studies like Oparaduru and Ciroma (2023) in Nigeria, where tradition and community expectations heavily influence career aspirations.

Aside from the structural model, the study examined mean differences in interest scores across demographic subgroups. In the table 1 are presented the basic statistics.

Table 1

Basic descriptive statistics with a normality test of the distribution for individual occupational interests in the identified groups

Annotation. M - mean, Me - median, SD - standard deviation, Sk. - skewness, Kurt. - kurtosis, Min - minimum value, Max. - maximum value, W - Shapiro-Wilk test result, p - significance.

Gender differences aligned with both global trends and local cultural norms. Kenyan male participants showed significantly higher interest in the Realistic domain (which includes manual, technical, and outdoor work) compared to females. Kenyan female participants, on the other hand, scored higher on Social interests (involving caregiving, teaching, helping professions) and Artistic interests than their male counterparts. These differences are in line with prior research and theories of gendered socialisation. In fact, they echo Hofstede’s cultural dimension of Masculinity–Femininity: Kenya is often considered more “masculine” in cultural values (emphasising traditional gender roles), and indeed the females gravitated more to nurturing roles while males to technical, action-oriented ones (Hofstede, 2001). They also mirror findings from a study by Proyer and Häusler (2007) in a different context, which found women favour social/artistic pursuits and men favour realistic/mechanical pursuits – suggesting some universality in gendered interests, albeit moderated by culture.

Ethnic (tribal) differences in interests were also observed, underscoring the importance of Kenya’s cultural diversity. Notably, participants from the Luhya community exhibited higher Investigative and Artistic interests on average compared to participants from the Kikuyu community (and compared to those from various smaller tribes grouped together). Investigative interests involve scientific inquiry, research, and intellectual exploration, while Artistic interests involve creativity and self-expression. The fact that Luhya youth scored higher in these areas may reflect cultural or educational emphases within Luhya communities – for example, perhaps a tradition of valuing certain crafts, music, or scholarly pursuits. In contrast, Kikuyu participants (Kenya’s largest ethnic group, historically known for business acumen and agriculture) did not score as high on Artistic or Investigative, possibly leaning more toward Enterprising or Conventional interests (though Enterprising didn’t form a separate factor, individual items suggested Kikuyus were more inclined toward entrepreneurial activities). These patterns suggest that what youths aspire to “be” can be influenced by ethnic culture and local role models. It aligns with the idea that in African local communities, ethnic traditions and economic context shape how certain careers or skills are perceived (Oparaduru & Ciroma, 2023). A young person from a community that prides itself on craftsmen or teachers may naturally gravitate to those interest areas.

Additionally, the urban vs. rural background yielded differences: participants from urban areas (cities and large towns) had significantly higher Social interest scores on average than those from rural areas. Urban youths showed greater inclination toward social and helping professions (like social work, education, counselling). One interpretation is that city dwellers in Kenya are more exposed to a variety of social roles and perhaps more opportunities to volunteer or engage in community services (e.g., NGOs, church groups, schools), which might cultivate those interests. Rural youths, conversely, might have had more exposure to realistic, hands-on activities (farming, building, etc.) and fewer formal opportunities to engage in social/educational roles, which could dampen interest in those fields. Urban environments also tend to foster individualisation of values and careers beyond family tradition, potentially allowing youths to pursue interest-based careers like social work or art, whereas rural youth might feel more pressure to follow traditional paths. Indeed, the study found a slight trend (not statistically large, but present) of rural participants leaning more towards Conventional and Realistic interests – which could reflect more traditional job expectations in rural settings (e.g., agricultural work, skilled trades, clerical or administrative roles).

Interestingly, the study did not find a significant association between self-rated economic status and any particular interest type. Participants who perceived their family economic situation as poor vs. those who saw it as average or good did not systematically differ in their interest profiles. This was somewhat surprising, as one might expect, for example, that economically pressed youths would favour Conventional or Realistic jobs that promise stability, or conversely, that wealthier youths might feel freer to pursue Artistic interests. The lack of clear pattern suggests that economic influences on career interest might operate indirectly (through factors like education level or exposure, rather than a simple linear relationship). It also highlights that survivors of trafficking, regardless of their background, harbour diverse aspirations that are not solely defined by their poverty or hardship. Many survivors, even those from very underprivileged backgrounds, expressed interest in professional careers like nursing, teaching, or business – given the right support, these interests can be nurtured into concrete career paths.

In summary, this study’s findings reinforce a key point: cultural and demographic factors must be considered when supporting survivors in their return to employment. A “one-size-fits-all” approach to vocational training or job placement will not be optimal in a place as diverse as Kenya. Instead, rehabilitation and empowerment programs should be culturally sensitive and personalised. For instance, understanding that a young female Kikuyu survivor might have different career inclinations or familial expectations than a male Luhya survivor can guide counsellors in providing relevant guidance. Likewise, knowing that the Enterprising (business leadership) concept might not be well understood or aspired to by some groups suggests that entrepreneurial programs should perhaps be introduced gradually or framed in culturally resonant ways (for example, highlighting community entrepreneurship or cooperative business models, which might appeal more in collectivist contexts). Ultimately, this research underscores that successful reintegration hinges on aligning opportunities with the survivor’s own interests and cultural identity. When survivors are placed in jobs that they find meaningful and that fit their personal interests, they are more likely to flourish and maintain their new, exploitation-free life.

Cultural Considerations: Kenya’s Diversity and Survivor Rehabilitation

Kenya’s rich cultural tapestry has direct implications for the rehabilitation of human trafficking survivors. With at least 42 distinct ethnic groups in the country (East African Community, n.d.), there is enormous variation in language, customs, gender roles, and attitudes toward work. Programs aiming to help survivors return to functional roles in society cannot ignore these cultural nuances. A supportive intervention in one community might not translate well to another unless adapted. Here, we highlight a few cultural considerations and their influence on survivors’ social functioning:

• Family and Community: In many Kenyan cultures, the family (including the extended family and clan) plays a central role in an individual’s identity and recovery. Survivors who return to their home communities often rely on family acceptance and support. Yet stigma can be a barrier—some survivors (especially of sexual exploitation) face judgment or rejection. Community sensitisation is therefore an important part of holistic rehabilitation: engaging tribal elders, community leaders, or church leaders to welcome survivors back without prejudice. Encouragingly, as seen in some HAART Kenya cases, once families understand the situation, they can become key allies in a survivor’s healing (providing emotional support and helping guard against re-trafficking) ( Marburger & Pickover, 2020). Culturally informed therapy might include sessions with family members or even community mediations to rebuild those social bonds.

• Traditional Gender Roles: Kenya’s tribes have various expectations for men’s and women’s work. For example, in some communities, women are traditionally expected to focus on home and child-rearing, while men are expected to be breadwinners. Such norms affect how survivors view certain jobs. A female survivor might hesitate to train as a mechanic (a typically “male” trade) due to cultural bias, even if she has aptitude. Conversely, a male survivor might be reluctant to take up cooking or tailoring. Rehabilitation initiatives must navigate these norms—sometimes by challenging them (showing examples of women in STEM careers or men in caregiving roles) and sometimes by working within them (identifying acceptable pathways that still fulfil the survivor’s interests). The study results mentioned earlier, where women leaned more to Social/Artistic and men to Realistic, reflect these ingrained norms and highlight that interventions may need to provide extra encouragement and role models for non-traditional career paths.

• Language and Counselling: While many Kenyans speak English or Swahili, mother-tongue languages (like Kikuyu, Dholuo, Kalenjin, etc.) are what they are most comfortable with emotionally. Effective therapy and support groups should, when possible, be conducted in the survivor’s native language or with translation. Nuances can be lost in a second language, especially in discussing trauma. Moreover, certain cultural concepts of mental health or distress may not directly map onto Western diagnostic terms. Counsellors in Kenya often incorporate culturally relevant practices—such as storytelling, proverbs, or faith-based coping—alongside conventional therapy. This culturally adapted counselling can resonate better with survivors. For instance, drawing on a client’s spiritual beliefs (Kenya has strong religious communities) can help in reframing their experience from a “curse” or “shame” into a narrative of survival and purpose.

• Tribal Stereotypes and Self-Image: As noted in the East African Community cultural overview, Kenyans sometimes associate particular qualities or professions with certain ethnic groups (East African Community, n.d.). For example, the Luo are often seen as proud and educated, Kikuyus as entrepreneurial, Kalenjins as athletic (many famous runners), etc. A survivor’s self-image and confidence can be influenced by these perceptions. If a survivor comes from a tribe stereotypically not associated with business, they might doubt their ability to start a business, even if they have interest. A trauma-informed approach should recognise these internalised stereotypes and work to empower the individual beyond them. At the same time, positive cultural identity can be harnessed. If someone is proud of their heritage, integrating cultural practices—like traditional crafts for an Artistic-inclined survivor, or community farming for a Realistic-inclined one—can make vocational training more meaningful. One survivor from a pastoralist community might find healing and income in returning to raising livestock (a respected role in their culture), whereas another from an urban tribe might prefer computer skills training. Tailoring plans in this way respects the survivor’s background and can improve engagement in programs.

• Peer Support and Survivor-Leaders: Finally, Kenyan survivors often benefit from seeing others from similar backgrounds who have successfully rebuilt their lives. This is where survivor-leaders become crucial. In Kenya, there are now a few survivors who have stepped up as public speakers or peer mentors (often through NGOs like HAART). They hail from different tribes and walks of life—showing that recovery and success are possible for anyone. For example, a Luhya survivor who became a teacher or a Kikuyu survivor who started a catering business can inspire peers from their own communities. Culturally, Kenyans value shared experiences; hearing a survivor speak in one’s native tongue about overcoming challenges can break through scepticism or fear in a way that outsider advice might not. Hence, empowering survivors to become advocates and leaders not only aids their own progress (as an advanced stage of healing) but also culturally contextualises the message of hope for others.

In conclusion, cultural competence is not an optional add-on but a core part of effective rehabilitation in multi-ethnic societies like Kenya. From designing interventions that fit local realities, to communicating in culturally resonant ways, acknowledging diversity enhances the holistic support we provide. It ensures that survivors are not seen through a one-dimensional lens of “trauma victim,” but rather as whole persons with cultural identities, families, talents, and dreams intact. By integrating that understanding, we truly help individuals move from victimhood to survivorship in a manner that is sustainable and authentic to their lives.

Conclusions

Human trafficking survivors face a long and challenging journey from victim to survivor to leader. As explored in this article, a holistic approach that addresses both the internal trauma and the external life reconstruction is critical for facilitating this journey. The key conclusions and recommendations from our review and research are summarised as follows:

• Intensive Trauma-Focused Care: Survivors require comprehensive psychological and psychiatric support as the foundation of recovery. High rates of PTSD, depression, anxiety, and other mental health issues are documented among trafficking survivors (almost all survivors experience some form of psychological distress). Thus, trauma-informed individual therapy (e.g., CBT, EMDR, TIC framework) should be made accessible to survivors, alongside support groups and peer counselling to reduce isolation and shame. Mental health services must be survivor-centric, voluntary, and culturally sensitive, ensuring that survivors regain a sense of control and are not re-traumatised in the process.

• Holistic Reintegration and Self-Agency: Beyond therapy, social and economic reintegration is the cornerstone of transforming a victim into a self-sufficient survivor. Especially in contexts like Kenya, helping survivors return to employment or education is vital. Programs that provide vocational training, formal education opportunities, or seed funding for entrepreneurship restore survivors’ self-agency and dignity. Gaining a livelihood breaks the dependency created by traffickers and reduces the risk of re-trafficking. Success stories of survivors becoming entrepreneurs or skilled professionals illustrate that economic empowerment, coupled with mental health recovery, enables survivors not only to survive but to lead fulfilling lives.

• The 4P Framework – Comprehensive Strategy: Effective response to human trafficking must engage all “4 Ps”: Prevention, Protection, Prosecution, and Partnerships. Prevention addresses root causes (poverty, lack of awareness) and reduces the pool of potential victims. Protection ensures survivors receive rescue, safety, and rehabilitative care (including medical, psychological, and legal support) to heal and reintegrate. Prosecution of traffickers is necessary for justice and deterrence, and it requires sensitised law enforcement plus support for survivors through the legal process. Partnerships unify the efforts of governments, NGOs, communities, and international agencies, recognising that collaboration multiplies impact. Adopting the 4P model leads to a holistic anti-trafficking approach where survivor recovery is embedded in a broader system of prevention and justice.

• Application in Practice – Case of HAART Kenya & Partners: The 4P model is not just theory; it’s being put into practice. Organisations like HAART Kenya, in partnership with the HAART Poland Foundation, exemplify how a holistic framework improves outcomes. They engage in prevention (grassroots education across Kenya), protection (shelter, counselling, tailored support plans for survivors), and even aid prosecution (liaising with authorities, advocating for better law enforcement), all underpinned by strong partnerships (local and international). Notably, their initiatives in Kenya demonstrate the payoff of holistic support: survivors are not only healed psychologically but are also empowered economically – for instance, through programs giving small business grants and entrepreneurship training to survivors. This comprehensive care helps survivors transition to independence and even become advocates (“survivor-leaders”) in their communities, thereby reinforcing the cycle of prevention and awareness.

• Cultural Context Matters: Rehabilitation and reintegration efforts must be adapted to the cultural context and individual background of each survivor. In Kenya’s multi-ethnic society, one-size-fits-all approaches falter. Our study found that vocational interests and preferences among Kenyan youth (including trafficking survivors) varied by gender, ethnicity, and locale. For example, women tended toward social and artistic vocations while men leaned realistic/technical; youth from one ethnic community displayed different interests than those from another; urban upbringing fostered more social-oriented interests than rural upbringing. Such differences imply that career counselling and job placement for survivors should be personalised. Recognising a survivor’s cultural identity, language, community norms, and personal aspirations will increase the chances of successful and sustainable reintegration. Culturally relevant role models and mentors (survivors from similar backgrounds who have thrived) can greatly inspire and motivate recovering victims. In short, treating survivors as whole persons with unique cultural and personal histories is essential to help them rebuild their lives in a meaningful way.

In closing, moving “from victim to survivor to leader” is a gradual process that requires a continuum of care and empowerment. Survivors of human trafficking are remarkably resilient individuals – with the right support systems, they can overcome trauma and reclaim their lives. The journey involves healing the mind and body, restoring the ability to function in society, and eventually, if the survivor so chooses, using their voice and experience to lead and help others. A holistic return to social functioning encompasses all these layers. By combining trauma-informed therapy, educational and economic opportunities, strong legal protections, and community partnerships, we create an environment where survivors are not defined by what was done to them, but by what they have overcome. This comprehensive strategy is not only ethically imperative in restoring survivors’ rights and dignity, but it also strengthens communities as survivors become integral, contributing members—and often champions in the fight against human trafficking.

For further information or correspondence regarding this article, please contact the author at: [email protected]

References

Altun, S., Abas, M., Zimmerman, C., Howard, L. M., & Oram, S. (2017). Mental health and human trafficking: Responding to survivors’ needs. BJPsych International, 14(1), 21–23.

East African Community. (n.d.). Republic of Kenya – Overview of the cultural landscape. Retrieved from https://www.eac.int/culture/jamafest-2022-articles/2581-republic-of-kenya

HAART Kenya. (2025). About HAART Kenya. Retrieved from https://haartkenya.org/about-us/

HAART Poland. (n.d.). About us. Retrieved from https://haartpoland.org/en/about-us

Holland, J. L. (1997). Making vocational choices: A theory of vocational personalities and work environments (3rd ed.). Psychological Assessment Resources.

Marburger, K., & Pickover, S. (2020). A comprehensive perspective on treating victims of human trafficking. The Professional Counsellor, 10(1), 13–24. https://doi.org/10.15241/km.10.1.13

Maciejewski, A. (2025). Socio-cultural determinants of vocational interests among Kenyan adolescents (Unpublished master’s thesis). University Of Business And Applied Sciences “Varsovia”.

Swinmurn, K. (2024, October 1). Barriers to mental health services for trafficking survivors [Blog post]. Freedom Network USA. https://freedomnetworkusa.org/2024/10/01/barriers-to-mental-health-services-for-trafficking-survivors/

United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). (2010). International framework for action to implement the trafficking in persons protocol. United Nations: Vienna. Available at https://www.unodc.org/documents/human-trafficking/Framework_for_Action_TIP.pdf 

Web References

Altun, S., Abas, M., Zimmerman, C., Howard, L. M., & Oram, S. (2017). Mental health and human trafficking: Responding to survivors' needs. BJPsych International. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/bjpsych-international/article/mental-health-and-human-trafficking-responding-to-survivors-needs/0CA66B867F0A21397722816D80E1779B

Swinmurn, K. (2024, October 1). Barriers to mental health services for trafficking survivors. Freedom Network USA. https://freedomnetworkusa.org/2024/10/01/barriers-to-mental-health-services-for-trafficking-survivors/

Marburger, K., & Pickover, S. (2020). A comprehensive perspective on treating victims of human trafficking. The Professional Counsellor. https://tpcjournal.nbcc.org/a-comprehensive-perspective-on-treating-victims-of-human-trafficking/

HAART Poland. (n.d.). About us. https://haartpoland.org/en/about-us

HAART Poland. (n.d.). About human trafficking. https://haartpoland.org/en/about-human-trafficking/

HAART Kenya. (2025). Awareness Against Human Trafficking. https://haartkenya.org/

East African Community. (n.d.). Republic of Kenya – Overview of the cultural landscape. https://www.eac.int/culture/jamafest-2022-articles/2581-republic-of-kenya

Adam is a qualified Therapist / Counselor Practising Under Supervision, based in Jardins de Carthage, Tunis, Tunisia.

With a commitment to mental health, Mr Maciejewski provides services in English and Polish, including Acceptance and Commitment Therapy, Assessment (General), Coaching (Business), Coaching (Life) and Marriage and Family Therapist Associate.

Mr Maciejewski has expertise in Abuse (Emotional / Physical), Abuse (Sexual), Abuse (Survivors of), Abuse (Women), Adoption Issues, Burnout, Cross Cultural Issues, Depression, Relationship Problems and Relationship Problems (Parent-Child).

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